Via Berliner Bündnis Freiheit für Mumia Abu-Jamal!:
Liebe Freunde und UnterstützerInnen von Mumia Abu-Jamal,
in den letzten Wochen wurde bekannt, dass Teile der US Anti-Todesstrafen Bewegung den Todestrakt Gefangenen Mumia Abu-Jamal aktiv aus der Öffentlichkeit ausblenden wollten, um verdeckte Bündnisarbeit mit der Polizeibruderschaft “Fraternal Order of Police” (FOP) mit Hauptsitz in Philadelphia betreiben zu können. Die FOP ist seit Jahrzehnten der massgebliche politische Faktor, welcher sich für die anhaltende Inhaftierung und Hinrichtung von Mumia Abu-Jamal einsetzt.
Bekannt wurde das im vergangegnen Juni durch die Veröffentlichung eines zunächst geheimen Memorandums an den IV. Weltkongress gegen die Todesstrafe, welcher im Februar 2010 in Genf stattfand.
Original Text CONFIDENTIAL MEMORANDUM to ECPM http://www.thiscantbehappening.net/node/116
Dt. Übersetzung http://www.freedom-now.de/news/artikel636.htmlIn zahlreichen Artikeln und Statements berichteten UnterstützerInnen von Mumia Abu-Jamal und AktivistInnen aus der US Anti-Todesstrafen Bewegung darüber. Einige Beispiele:
The Politics of Death: Throwing Mumia Abu-Jamal Under the Bus (29.06.20) (engl) by Dave Lindorff http://www.thiscantbehappening.net/node/117
dt. Übersetzung: (JW) “Pakt mit dem Teufel” von Dave Lindorff (23.07.10)
http://www.jungewelt.de/2010/07-23/001.php(Texas Moratorium Network) Shame on Those Abolitionist Groups for “Throwing Mumia Abu-Jamal Under the Bus” (06.07.10) (eng)
http://stopexecutions.blogspot.com/2010/07/throwing-mumia-abu-jamal-under-bus.htmlDie US-weite Campaign to End the Death Penalty (CEDP, übersetzt “Kampagne zur Abschaffung der Todesstrafe”) ruft nun dazu auf, einen Offenen Brief an diejenigen innerhalb der US Anti-Todesstrafen Bewegung zu unterschreiben, welche die Zusammenarbeit mit Gesetzerhütern über den Einsatz für betroffene Gefangene stellen wollen. Es soll deutlich gemacht werden, dass Menschenrechte und Gerechtigkeit immer zuerst mit denjenigen gemeinsam durchgesetzt werden, deren Rechte gebrochen werden. Dazu gehört das Recht, nicht vom Staat umgebracht zu werden.
Der Offene Brief kann in deutscher Übersetzung hier gelesen werden: http://www.freedom-now.de/news/artikel637.html
Falls eine Organisation und Einzelpersonen unterschreiben möchten, mailen sie bitte die entsprechenden Namen und Bezeichnungen an: nyc@nodeathpenalty.org
Wir möchten euch alle bitten, diesen Offenen Brief zu unterschreiben und den Aufruf weiter zu verbeiten.
Mit solidarischen Grüßen,
–
Berliner Bündnis Freiheit für Mumia Abu-Jamal!im HdD
Greifswalderstr.4
10405 Berlinhttp://myspace.com/FreiheitfrMumia
http://twitter.com/Free_Mumia
Bereits am 18. Juli verwies Doug Berman auf den Artikel “Five myths about the Death Penalty” von David Garland in der Washington Post. Garland schreibt in der Einleitung seines Artikels:
“The death penalty: the punishment we reserve for the worst criminal offenders. Last week, law enforcement officials said it was on the table for four men charged in the shooting deaths of unarmed civilians in New Orleans in the days after Hurricane Katrina. It’s a signal that the crimes were truly reprehensible. Much of what we think we know about American capital punishment comes from the longstanding debate that surrounds the institution. But in making their opposing claims, death-penalty proponents and their abolitionist adversaries perpetrate myths and half-truths that distort the facts. The United States’ death penalty is not what its supporters — or its opponents — would have us believe. ..”
Die 5 Mythen sind:
1. The United States is a death-penalty nation.
2. The United States is out of step with Europe and the rest of the Western world.
3. This country has the death penalty because the public supports it.
4. The death penalty works.
5. The death penalty doesn’t work.
In seinem Artikel entkräftigt (!?) Garland diese Mythen, so schreibt er hinsichtlich Punkt 1:
“…In fact, this country barely uses the death penalty today. Fifteen states and the District of Columbia have abolished capital punishment. Of the 35 “death-penalty states,” one-third rarely sentence anyone to death and another third impose death sentences but rarely carry them out. In many states, the only people to be executed are “volunteers” — death row inmates who abandon an appeals process that would otherwise keep them alive. Eighty percent of executions now take place in the states of the former Confederacy, the vast majority of them in Texas. Death sentences have also decreased in recent years. One reason is that states now give juries the power to impose life imprisonment without parole. Another is that prosecutors advise victims’ families that they may be better off seeking a prison sentence instead of capital punishment. That way, they will not have to watch year after year as the murderer goes to court seeking to have the death sentence overturned…”
Und hinsichtlich Punkt 4:
“…Proponents of the current system insist that it deters crime and guarantees that murderers receive the most powerfully retributive punishment. It may be the case that some death-penalty systems are effective deterrents. Singapore has a mandatory death penalty for drug trafficking and hangs offenders swiftly and often. In China, thousands of offenders are killed each year, many for economic crimes and corruption. Neither nation discloses statistics on crime and punishment, so we have no way to know for sure. But it stretches credulity to think that the death penalty, as administered in the United States today, can be an effective means for deterring murder — the only crime for which it is available. Last year, there were more than 14,000 homicides in the nation but only 106 death sentences. The chances of any particular killer being caught, convicted and sentenced to death are vanishingly small.
Of those sentenced, 66 percent have their death sentences overturned on appeal or post-conviction review. (According to the Death Penalty Information Center, a smaller number — 139 — have been exonerated in the past 30 years, about a dozen on the basis of DNA evidence.) The few offenders who are executed wait an average of more than 12 years, some for as long as 30 years. None of this makes for swift or sure deterrence. It also does not give rise to effective retributive punishment. Prolonged delays defer and dilute any satisfaction or “closure” that the punishment might bring…”
Garland versucht die Todesstrafe von einem neutralen – wissenschaftlichen ? – Standpunkt aus zu diskutieren; diese Stärke des Artikels ist gleichzeitig auch seine größte Schwäche:
Es ist für die hingerichteten Personen völlig unerheblich ob ihre Hinrichtung zu den 80 Prozent gehört die auf dem Gebiet der ehemaligen konförderierten Bundesstaaten stattfinden oder ob ihre Hinrichtung in einem der Bundesstaaten stattfindet die jenes Drittel bilden in welchem zwar Todesurteil verhängt aber nur selten vollstreckt werden. Hingerichtet ist hingerichtet – dies ist ein Fakt. Und TodesstrafebefürworterInnen werden hinsichtlich der Argumentation zu Punkt 4 anführen dass immerhin 106 Todesurteile gefällt wurden und es ruhig mehr sein dürften usw.
Garland bezieht nicht Stellung – das ist schade in zweierlei Hinsicht: a) Er bezieht keine Stellung und unterstützt damit – unausgesprochen, vielleicht sogar unbeabsichtigt – die Seite der TodesstrafebefürworterInnen. b) Würde er offen die Seite der TodesstrafebefürworterInnen unterstützen so könnte man wenigstens diskutieren. So aber prallt alles an einer vermeintlichen Wissenschaftlichkeit/Neutralität ab. Einmal mehr wurde die Chance zu einer kontroversen, aber wirklichen Diskussion vertan!
The group Educators for Mumia Abu-Jamal (EMAJ) has released the following statement in opposition to the “secret memo” by a few leading U.S. abolitionists seeking to distance the anti-death penalty movement from Mumia’s case:
EMAJ STATEMENT ON THE “SECRET MEMO” AND U.S. ABOLITIONIST MOVEMENTS
Reports have leaked of a secret memo in which some US anti-death penalty activists showed reluctance to advocate on behalf ofPennyslvania’s death row journalist, Mumia Abu-Jamal. The memo was entitled, “Involvement of Mumia Abu-Jamal Endangers the US Coalition for Abolition of the Death Penalty,” It reveals what has been called the “throw Mumia under the bus” tendency of the larger effort to abolish the death penalty. We have seen this before.
Every once in awhile someone on the allegedly liberal left tries to drive a wedge between abolitionists of the death penalty generally, and those struggling for Abu-Jamal. One of the more memorable instances was in 1998 when Marc Cooper, a Nation magazine writer, wrote in The New York Press about how the movement for Mumia Abu-Jamal is “a bane” on the more solid committed folk trying to end the US death penalty.
This year’s memo is a special affront, presuming that there is some virtue in abolitionist movements “cultivating” relations with the Fraternal Order of Police [FOP], which long has been a vigorous advocate for Mumia’s execution and which keeps a “list” of individuals and organizations that support Mumia’s struggle. EMAJ condemns any such planning between abolitionist movements and the FOP. For anti-death penalty movements to cultivate relations to a police union like the FOP, which is unabashedly lobbying for Mumia’s execution, is at best ineffective, at worst a collusion with the forces that keep state-sanctioned killing in place in this country. Moreover, it overlooks the long history of egregious violence and violation, which law enforcement in the U.S. has visited upon communities of color in the U.S.
To be sure, police, prosecutors and others of the criminal justice establishment have spoken out for Mumia and against the death penalty. Ronald Hampton’s advocacy for Mumia, as Executive Director of the National Black Police Association (NBPA), is a clear example. As an organization the NBPA protests the death penalty in all circumstances, even when a police officer has been murdered. These are the only kinds of voices from members of law enforcement that a truly anti-death penalty movement should welcome. State-sanctioned murder of anyone is an affront to an authentic abolitionist movement. Abolitionist movements must resist the temptations of big money and stand strong against the powerful pressures by which law enforcement officials today try to co-opt elements of the abolitionist movement, seeking to preserve the death penalty for its purposes.
Generally, Educators for Mumia Abu-Jamal (EMAJ) opposes any division that is created between the Mumia movement and the broader effort to abolish capital punishment. The struggle for Mumia is one with the struggle of the broader abolitionist movement. EMAJ published in 1998 an essay by Mark Taylor, one of the signers of this statement, under the title, “Mumia and the 3400: Why Stopping Mumia’s Execution Helps End all Executions in the US.” In this new 2010 statement, EMAJ vigorously reaffirms the unity of the movement for Mumia and of the broader abolitionist movement.
1. Every one of the some 3200 men and women presently on US death row, whatever we think of their guilt or innocence, or of the nature of their alleged crimes, warrants advocacy and our best efforts to prevent their execution. Even though various ones of us may need to concentrate our advocacy in ways that highlight different figures (say, Mumia, or Troy Davis, or Reggie Clemons, or any of the many others), this concentration of effort on one should not be seen as a disparagement of any other death row prisoner’s struggle for life and justice.
2. Mumia’s struggle and his writings (rarely about his own case and usually about broader political issues) has dramatically personalized the issue of the death penalty for especially youth in urban communities of color, but also in other regions of the U.S. and internationally. His story of resistance and political struggle has caught the imagination of many and so brought new voices into the struggle against the death penalty. This was dramatically evident in the April 2010 gathering at the EMAJ event at Barnard College (Columbia University), where a lecture hall was packed out with more than 500 people, mostly young people of all backgrounds, to hear not only a “phone-in” from Mumia, but also discussions by Cornel West, Vijay Prashad, and film-maker Jamal Joseph about the importance of Mumia’s case and struggle.
3. Mumia’s arrest, conviction, and continual denial of appeals crystallizes and distills – thus makes more readily apparent – the plagues at work in maintaining our broken death penalty system: racial bias in judges and juror selection, inadequate legal counsel, lack of funds for investigations for defendants, police corruption and prosecutorial misconduct. Thus, Mumia’s case can be seen as a kind of primer of how the death penalty fails to work justice, and on how the larger systems of U.S. mass incarceration, policing and prosecutorial procedures are broken, dysfunctional, and unjust.
4. Mumia’s struggle dramatically exhibits the agency of death row prisoners themselves in waging their struggle. Mumia’s death row cell in the prison system is an organizing site within the system. However necessary our efforts are from “the outside,” Mumia’s trenchant voice inside death row confirms that the abolitionist movement is not just a condescending or paternalistic act of concern of outsiders “for,” or “for the sake of,” those on death row. Recognizing Mumia is one way to recognize the agency of those in struggle on death row. His voice, as a voice within, is crucial to our abolitionist movement’s authenticity.
5. Mumia’s mode of struggle enables those in the abolitionist movement to keep the struggle against the US death penalty as part of a larger political struggle, in which other issues are always at play in our struggle to end capital punishment. We will not abolish the death penalty, and keep it abolished, if we cannot articulate the broader issues of power – class domination, environmental destruction, transnational globalization, torture at home and abroad, militarist imperialism, and neocolonialism – all being issues that Abu-Jamal has addressed in relation to capital punishment and mass incarceration.
6. Although there is a temptation in some quarters to make of Mumia an icon, just a “cool guy” mentioned in the Boondocks cartoon strip, Hip Hop magazines, rock concerts, and in films of different sorts – the lifting of Mumia’s struggle to the level of a media spectacle can be an advantage to the abolitionist movement. It enables us to engage the media, not only with Mumia’s struggle but also with broader efforts to end the death penalty, block police brutality, and expose the corruptions of racialized power at every level. One of the reasons political officials of the establishment are so keenly opposed to Mumia is precisely because he has this capacity to ignite media attention, nationally and internationally. We should welcome this and use it.
7. Finally, the Mumia movement positions resistance to the death penalty around the U.S. national shrine center in Philadelphia. This places debate about capital punishment (the state-sanctioned murder of citizens) in a city that is the very symbolic heart of Americans’ self-understanding of their nation and its history. The Mumia movement – those of us in it as well as Mumia’s recordings and writings – is not silent about the general problem of state-sanctioned killing as part of the very meaning of “America” and its history. The persistence of the death penalty is, at least in part, due to the nation’s dependence on policies of war and killing, policies that date from the devastation of Indian peoples and slave populations, to the colonization of, and war against, Asian, Arab, African and Latin American countries, up to the often deadly and disheartening discrimination meted out against immigrants from these lands in our midst today.
The focus of Mumia’s struggle in Philadelphia, then, dramatizes how central the commitment to state-sanctioned killing is to the forging and maintenance of this nation. It has always been appropriate, then, that the festivals of July 4th celebration in Philadelphia are routinely matched by a smaller and fledgling, but vigorous, counter-march for Mumia and as critique of every death-dealing policy of the U.S. – whether applied in the killing fields of indigenous peoples lands, in the deserts of Iraq, or the mountainous ravines of the Afghan/Pakistani border.
Let there be no more division between the advocates of a general abolition of the death penalty, and the advocates in the movement for Abu-Jamal. As Educators, in Pennsylvania, across the U.S. and the world, we reassert our firm opposition to the death penalty in the U.S., and thus especially to the execution of Mumia Abu-Jamal.
From the Coordinators of Educators for Mumia Abu-Jamal:
Tameka Cage Johanna Fernandez Mark Lewis Taylor
Bereits Anfang Juli habe ich zu jenem vertraulichen Memo Stellung genommen, in welchem Einzelpersonen aus Vorständen von amerikanischen Initiativen gegen die Todesstrafe dem Weltkrongress gegen die Todesstrafe nahelegten Mumia Abu-Jamal nicht viel Beachtung zu schenken. All dies, um den erzkonservativen Fraternal Order of Police auf die Seite der Anti-Todesstrafe Bewegung zu ziehen – jene Polizeiorganisation, die sich unverhohlen für die Hinrichtung von Mumia Abu-Jamal einsetzt.
Ob dieser Skandal nur die Spitze des Eisberges darstellt oder den Anfang einer bedrohlichen Strömung innerhalb der Bewegung gegen die Todesstrafe bleibt abzuwarten – wir alle sind aufgefordert die derzeitige Entwicklung aufmerksam zu beobachten. Wenn es diversen Kräften, Einzelpersonen oder Gruppierungen gelingt auf diese Art und Weise einen Todestraktinsassen zu “opfern” (gleich ob es Mumia Abu-Jamal ist oder einer jener über 3000 Todestraktinsassen, die nie in den Medien auftauchen) ist ein Dammbruch geschehen der nicht so einfach zu stoppen ist. Es muss uns allen ganz klar sein dass der Kampf gegen die Todesstrafe ein Kampf um das Leben aller Todestraktinsassen ist, egal ob sie schuldig oder unschuldig sind. Eine Spaltung darf es in dieser Hinsicht nicht geben – übrigens auch nicht innerhalb der Bewegung gegen die Todesstrafe (obgleich ich fürchte dass es innerhalb des Abolition Movement diese Spaltung wohl schon gibt; anders kann ich mir diesen “Vorgang” nicht erklären).
Neben den zahlreichen Initiativen für Mumia Abu-Jamal haben bereits die Campaign To End The Death Penalty und das Texas Moratorium Network öffentlich gegen diesen Skandal Stellung bezogen.
Die “junge Welt” hat nun David Lindorff’s Artikel in Deutscher Übersetzung veröffentlicht. Auf “Freedom Now!” sind die Deutschen Übersetzungen der Erklärung der CEDP sowie des “vertraulichen” Memos verfügbar.
Gestern wurde im US-Bundesstaat Mississippi Joseph Daniel Burns (42) hingerichtet. Burns wurde wegen der Ermordung von Mike McBride (im Jahre 1996) zum Tode verurteilt. Die Hinrichtung verzögerte sich weil der U.S. Supreme Court über einen Last-Minute Appeal zu entscheiden hatte.
Joseph Daniel Burns wurde um 18:50 Uhr Ortszeit für tot erklärt.
Burns’ Hinrichtung war die 3. in Mississippi in diesem Jahr und die 1221. Hinrichtung in den USA seit Wiederaufnahme von Hinrichtungen im Jahre 1977.
Via Rick Halperin.
Eine Liste der Hinrichtungen nach der Entscheidung des U.S. Supreme Court in Baze et al. v. Rees finden Sie hier.
Georg Danzer: “Jetzt oder Nie” 1982
Der Traum von der Freiheit
ist niemals ausgeträumt
solang ein Mensch noch hoffen kann
solang sich sein Inneres aufbäumt
gegen Dummheit und Borniertheit
gegen Ungerechtigkeit
steh auf – net morg’n, net übermorg’n
jetzt – es ist höchste ZeitJetzt oder nie
sperr die Ohr’n auf
mach die Aug’n auf
jetzt oder nie
reiß den Mund auf
und schreiDer Traum von der Freiheit
wird niemals untergehn
solang er net verwirklicht ist
bleibt er als Idee bestehn
mit Duck’n und mit Jasag’n
erkaufst dir net dei’ Ruh
drum – Mensch – sei ungehorsam jetzt
sonst is zu spät dazuJetzt oder nie
sperr die Ohr’n auf
mach die Aug’n auf
jetzt oder nie
reiß den Mund auf
und schreiDer Traum von unsrer Freiheit
der stirbt mit uns net aus
er lebt in unsren Kindern
und fliegt der Zeit voraus
so hoch wie ein Drachen
weit ins Morgenland
doch du hältst hier und heute
die Schnur in deiner HandJetzt oder nie
sperr die Ohr’n auf
mach die Aug’n auf
jetzt oder nie
reiß den Mund auf
und schrei
Via Steve Hall:
Friends of Kevin Keith in Ohio are renewing the call for signatures to a petition seeking clemency in his case. Keith has a clemency hearing on August 11.
You can sign the petition by clicking on the Take Action box in the right-column.
He has a September 15 execution date.
Earlier coverage of his case begins with this post.;related posts are in the eyewitness identification index.

